[aha] assaltone a pił mani all'immaginario
T_Bazz
t_bazz a ecn.org
Mer 7 Apr 2010 13:27:47 CEST
Ciao a tutt@,
visto che si sta parlando di appropriazione di immaginari underground,
web 2.0 e significato attuale del networking, vorrei condividere con voi
un testo che ho scritto come paper per una conferenza che ci sara' qui
in Danimarca il 21-23 aprile (http://darc.imv.au.dk/?page_id=895). Parte
di questo testo sara' pubblicato anche nel giornale di Arnolfini Gallery
di Bristol, curato da Geoff Cox (che gentilmente mi ha detto to spread
my ideas dove opportuno).
Si tratta di alcuni risultati della ricerca che sto portando avanti ad
Aarhus proprio su questo discorso sul social networking e
sull'appropriazione dell'immaginario hacker che si sta discutendo qui e
in hackmeeting (per questo mando la mail a tutte e 2 le liste).
E' in inglese, ma spero che sara' di buon spunto per tutt@ voi.
Cari saluti!
T_Bazz
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Aesthetics of Common Participation and Networking Enterprises
Tatiana Bazzichelli
In the last half of the twentieth century Avant-garde art practices from
Fluxus to mail art promised the creation of collaborative art and the
production of new models of sharing knowledge. Today, techniques of
networking developed in grassroots communities have inspired the
structure of Web 2.0 platforms and have been used as a model to expand
the markets of business enterprises. The principal success of a Web 2.0
company or networking enterprise comes from the ability of enabling
communities, providing shared communication tools and folksonomies. In
this paper, I aim to advance upon earlier studies on networked art using
a cross-national design, refusing the widely accepted idea that
networked art is mainly technologically determined. Furthermore, I will
present a few considerations that connect early experiments of networked
art with the establishment of social networking platforms.
The Rhetoric of Web 2.0
At first glance it may seem evident that business enterprises in social
networking and Web 2.0 built their corporate image by re-appropriating
the language and the values once very representative of certain
networking art practices, from mail art to net.art – and of the hacker
ethic as well. Tim O’Reilly, one of the main promoters of the Web 2.0
philosophy, and organizer of the first Web 2.0 conference in 2004 (San
Francisco), wrote in the fall of 2006: 'Web 2.0 is much more than just
pasting a new user interface onto an old application. It's a way of
thinking, a new perspective on the entire business of software'. [1]
However, both what has been called Web 2.0 since 2004 (when Dale
Dougherty came up with the term during a brainstorming session) as well
as the whole idea of 'folksonomy' which lies behind social networking,
blogging, and tagging, are nothing new.
According to the software developer and venture communist Dmytri
Kleiner, these forms of business are just a mirror of the economic
cooptation of values of sharing, participation and networking which
inspired the early formation of hacker culture and peer2peer technology.
As he pointed out during a panel at the Chaos Communication Congress in
Berlin in 2007, 'the whole point of Web 2.0 is to achieve some of the
promises of peer2peer technology but in a centralized way; using web
servers and centralized technologies to create user content and
folksonomy, but without actually letting the users control the
technology itself'. [2]
But even if the Web 2.0 business enterprises do not hide their function
of data aggregators, they make openness, user generated content and
networking collaboration their main core strategies. The perpetual beta
(Tim O’Reilly, 2005) and the user contribution become keys to market
dominance. Google was one of the first companies to base its business in
involving users to give productive feedback, releasing beta versions of
its applications, such as Gmail for example, to be tested by users
without being formally part of the production process. The idea of
applying collaborative software development in Web 2.0 companies,
practice of production typical of the open source communities, becomes a
strategic business advantage with consequent decreases in costs. Many
companies have adopted the open source built-in communities model, from
IBM, Google, Apple, Facebook, to Creative Commons, and Wikipedia is not
out of this cloud.
Networked Art & Social Networking
In the artistic context of the past twenty years, networking art was
referring to the ability of creating a map of connections in progress,
and nets of relations among individuals. Since the 80s, platforms of
networking have been an important tool for sharing knowledge and
experience. According to some artists and theoreticians, networked
culture, developed during the last half of the twentieth century, gave
rise to a gift-exchange community as an alternative economy and social
system (Welch, 1995; Baroni, 1997; Saper, 2001) [3] and this model of
communication allowed for the ‘exchange’ of spontaneous gifts. The
concepts of openness and Do-It-Yourself, were the starting point for the
development of networked art, such as mail art, but also of punk culture
and hacker ethic. The art of networking was based on the figure of the
artist as networker: a creator of sharing platforms and of contexts for
connecting and exchanging. It was not based on objects, nor solely on
digital or analogical instruments, but on the relationships and
processes in progress between individuals. Individuals who could in turn
create other contexts of sharing. The same Do It Yourself hands-on
practice was used to describe subsequent phenomena of networking and
hacktivism; from Neoism to Plagiarism, up until the 1990s, when the
network dynamics are affirmed on a broader level through the use of
computers and the Internet. The ‘hacktivist attitude’ referred to an
acknowledgement of the net as a political space, with the possibility of
decentralized, autonomous and grassroots participation.
Today we are facing a progressive commercialization of contexts of
software development and sharing, which want to appear open and
progressive (very emblematic is Google’s motto ‘Don't be evil’), but
which are indeed transforming the meaning of communities and networking,
and the battle for information rights, placing it into the boundaries of
the marketplace. This shift of the principles of openness and
collaboration into commercial purposes is the mirror of a broader
phenomenon. Like Google, many social networking platforms try to give an
image of themselves as 'a force for good'. [4] At the same time, the
free software community is not alien to this progressive corporate
takeover of the hacker counterculture. Google organizes the Summer of
Code festival every year to get the best hackers and developers to work
for the company [5]; it encourages open source development, supports the
development of Firefox, funds hackerspaces – i.e. the Hacker Dojo in
Mountain View. Ubuntu One, an online backup and synchronization utility,
uses Amazon S3 as its storage and transfer facility – while the Free
Software Foundation bases its GNewSense, a free software GNU/Linux
distribution, on Ubuntu. [6] This ambiguity of values, which is
contributing to the end of the time of digital utopias, is described
well by Matteo Pasquinelli: 'a parasite is haunting the hacker haunting
the world' (2008), analyzing the contemporary exploitation of the
rhetoric of free culture, and the collapse of the 'digitalism' ideology,
corroded by the parasite of cognitive capitalism. [7].
An interesting example of the transformation from networked art as a
collective and sharing practice to the creation of economically oriented
communities is given by the art of crowdsourcing of Aaron Koblin. [8]
The artist uses the Amazon Mechanical Turk to create works of art, which
result from a combination of tasks, performed by a group of people,
gathered through an open call asking for contributions. The contributors
are paid a specific amount of money after delivering their work. Koblin
used the strategy of crowdsourcing to create works such as Bicycle Built
for Two Thousand, Ten Thousand Cents and The Sheep Market. [9] But, even
if these works involved many people who perform the single tasks, the
members of the group are not in connection with each other. What we have
at the end of the process is an aesthetic representation of the
collectivity, but the collective doesn’t exist per se. If we go back
thirty years to the practice of mail art, it involved individuals linked
by belonging to a non-formalized network of common interests, which
resulted in exchanging postcards, handmade stamps, rubber stamps,
envelops and many other creative objects shared though the postal
network. In this case, the network was open to everyone, not
economically oriented, and the artists participated to the call just for
fun or for pleasure of sharing interests.
Burning Man & Networking Enterprises
If we proceed following a comparative method based on ethnographic
investigation of some cases, this above mentioned shift from networking
art as grassroots practice to social networking as business model
appears evident. A very clear example is the Burning Man festival, a
weeklong art event held every year since 1990 in the Black Rock Desert
(Northern Nevada, California). [10] Managed since 1997 by the business
enterprise Black Rock City LLC, it would have never been possible
without the previous existence of some underground art groups, such as
The Suicide Club and The Cacophony Society (Brian Doherty, 2004). [11]
The Suicide Club and The Cacophony Society had deep roots in surrealist
art practices, creating a unique way to live the city of San Francisco,
promoting and organizing pranks, interventions, games and collective
performances thorough the end of 1970s and the 1980s. The top-secret San
Francisco Suicide Club, heavily influenced by Surrealism and Dadaism:
was started by five people: among them, Gary Warne. Warne gave concrete
form to the concept of synaesthesia in the San Francisco public space,
‘to create experiences that would be like living out a fantasy or living
out a film’. [12] As an example, the surreal experience of climbing the
Golden Gate Bridge in the fog with a group of people, or getting naked
on San Francisco cable cars. In 1986, The Cacophony Society, formed by
members of the Suicide Club, followed in their path. It developed
through street theatre, urban explorations and pranks in public places,
such as the Santarchy Event, which became like a virus that replicates
itself (V. Vale, 2006) and which is still celebrated every December on
the streets all over the world involving tens of thousands of Santas.
John Law defined the Cacophony Society's activity as Surreal Tourism,
which 'helped you look at wherever you were in a completely different
way, almost like a William Burroughs cut-up' (John Law, 2006). Another
of the Cacophony's central concept was the trip to the Zone, or the idea
of "Zone Trips", inspired by the Temporary Autonomous Zone by Hakim Bey
(1985). The Zone Trip #4 in 1990 organized by John Law and Michael
Mikel, described as A Bad Day at Black Rock, signed the beginning of the
annual Burning Man festival, previously a beach party held at Baker
Beach since 1986. The origin of Burning Man is therefore deeply
connected with surrealist art experiments and the early San Francisco
urban counterculture.
Today Burning Man is held every year in Black Rock City, a temporary
city built up for just one week at the end of August in the playa of the
Nevada Desert. It is a community experiment, where the people involved
create huge art sculptures, music events, happenings and performances,
and which dissolves without leaving traces after a wooden sculpture of a
Man, together with the art installations, and the other venues are
burned by its inhabitants. The managers of Black Rock City LLC, a
company that organizes and administrates the annual Festival since 1997,
progressively transformed Burning Man into a networking enterprise.
Burning Man might be seen as a collective social network, a virtual city
with specific rules and economy, based on the concept of sharing goods
and experiences. There is no money to use in the playa, and the people
survive sharing their food. But as John Law points out in a private
interview with the author (San Francisco, 2009), Burning Man is very
different today from what it was before. It is a networking enterprise,
with 50.000 participants every summer paying around 200 dollars to be
part of it, and with a precise structure: it is a centrally organized
chaos, where the Man, which is burned at the end of the festival, is
raised at the centre-top of the city. It is situated at the centre of
the playa and it looks at the people from the top. The participants
themselves do not raise it all together anymore as it happened in the
early times at Baker Beach, and it looks clear that Burning Man is not a
non profit gathering anymore.
The evolution of Burning Man from a counterculture experimental art
gathering to a centralized event organized by a business enterprise
could be compared with the transformation of social networking, from
networked art to Web 2.0. Social networking platforms such as Facebook,
MySpace, Twitter, etc., have established themselves among Internet
users, representing a successful model of connecting people. But at the
same time, they mirror a very centralized way of creating networking.
Fred Turner, in his paper "Burning Man at Google" (2009), explores how
Burning Man’s bohemian ethos supports new forms of production emerging
in Silicon Valley and especially at Google. 'It shows how elements of
the Burning Man world – including the building of a socio-technical
commons, participation in project-based artistic labor, and the fusion
of social and professional interaction – help shape and legitimate the
collaborative manufacturing processes driving the growth of Google and
other firms' [13]. In 2006, for example, Black Rock City LLC began the
developing of Burning Man Earth in collaboration with Google [14], which
is not surprising, considering that Google's cofounders, Larry Page and
Sergey Brin, are burners since the early days. In 1999 the founders
famously shut down the company for a week during Burning Man.
This dialectic between counterculture and networking enterprises shows
once again that the art of networking today is strictly connected with
the use of commercial platforms and therefore is changing the meaning of
collaboration and art itself. Is it today still possible to speak about
“counterculture”, when social networking has become the motto of the Web
2.0 business?
Co-optation Theory vs. Business Practice
The question is whether the co-optation theory of the counterculture
might be the right explanation to understand the present development, or
better, implosion, of the networking culture. Thomas Frank’s The
Conquest of Cool (1997) and Fred Turner’s From Counterculture to
Cyberculture (2007) may show the way; both books analyze how the endless
cycles of rebellion and transgression are very well mixed with the
development of business culture in Western society – specifically in the
U.S.. As Thomas Frank suggests 'in the late 1950s and early 1960s,
leaders of the advertising and menswear businesses developed a critique
of their own industries, of over-organization and creative dullness,
that had much in common with the critique of mass society which gave
rise to the counterculture. The 1960s was the era of Vietnam, but it was
also the high watermark of American prosperity and a time of fantastic
ferment in managerial thought and corporate practice. But business
history has been largely ignored in accounts of the cultural upheaval of
the 1960s. This is unfortunate, because at the heart of every
interpretation of the counterculture is a very particular – and very
questionable – understanding of corporate ideology and of business
practice'. [15]
The American counterculture of the 1960s was very much based in mass
culture, promoting ‘a glorious cultural flowering, though it quickly
became mainstream itself’ (Frank 1997) and becoming attractive for
corporations, from Coca Cola to Nike, but also for IBM and Apple.
Fred Turner explains how the rise of cyberculture utopias is strongly
connected with the development of the computer business in the Silicon
Valley, as the background of the Whole Earth network by Stewart Brand
and the magazine Wired demonstrate. [16] It should not surprise anyone
today that Google is adopting the same strategy of getting close to
counterculture - hackers, burners at Burning Man, etc. - because many
hackers in California were already close to the development of the
business we face today. The cyber-utopias of the 1980s and 1990s were
pushed by the market as well, and they were very well connected with its
development. Turner demonstrates how the image of the authentic
counterculture of the 1960s, antithetical to the technologies, and later
co-opted by the forces it opposed, is actually the shadow of another
version of history. A history which instead has its roots in a 'new
cybernetic rhetoric of systems and information' born already in the
research laboratories of World War II in which scientists and engineers
'began to imagine institutions as living organisms, social networks as
webs of information' (Turner 2007). Once again, with Web 2.0
enterprises, we are facing the same phenomenon.
The Disruptive Art of Business
Accepting that the digital utopias of the 1980s and 1990s have never
been completely extraneous to the business practices, might be an
invitation for artists, networkers and hackers to subvert the false idea
of ‘real’ counterculture, and to start analyzing how the cyclic business
trends work, and what they culturally represent. Analyzing how the
networking culture became functional to accelerate capitalism, as it
happened for the youth movement of the 1960s, might change the point of
view and the area of criticism. The statement ‘if you can't beat 'em,
absorb 'em’ could be reversed from the artists and hackers themselves.
If artists, hackers and activists can’t avoid to indirectly serve
corporate revolutions, they should work on absorbing the business
ideology to their own advantage, and consequently, transforming it and
hacking it. A possible tendency might be not just refusing business, but
appropriating its philosophy once again, making it functional for our
purposes. Some artists are already working in this direction, creating
art projects with deal with business and which subvert its strategies,
like The People Speak (Planetary Pledge Pyramid 2009), or Alexei Shulgin
(Electroboutique 2007), UBERMORGEN.COM (Google Will Eat Itself 2005, and
Amazon Noir 2006, both created with Paolo Cirio and Alessandro Ludovico;
The Sound of Ebay 2008), the community of Seripica Naro (2005), just to
mention a few. [17]
Even if it is easy to recognize co-optation as a cyclic business
strategy among networkers, hackers and activists, it takes more effort
to accept that business has often been part of counterculture and
cultural development. In this phase of ambiguity, it is fundamental to
look back to analyze the reasons of the shift of networking paradigms
and counterculture values, but it is also necessary to break some
cultural taboos. Artists should try to work like viruses to stretch the
limits of business enterprises, and hack the meaning of business itself.
Instead of refusing to compromise with commercial platforms, they should
try to put their hands on them, to reveal hidden mechanisms of social
inclusion and exclusion, and to develop a critique of the medium itself.
To conclude, I would like to mention the famous statement at the end of
Walter Benjamin's Artwork Essay, which dialectically juxtaposes
'Ästhetisierung der Politik – Politisierung der Kunst'. [18] Art, to
become effective, has to understand how the mechanisms of fascination –
and in our case, capitalism – work, to respond with a critical approach
through the media, which need to be once again transformed into a tool
of intervention.
Notes:
[1] John Musser with Tim O’Reilly & the O’Reilly Radar Team, ‘Web 2.0:
Principles and Best Practices’, O’Reilly Radar, Fall 2006,
http:// oreilly.com/catalog/web2report/chapter/web20_report_excerpt.pdf
[2] 24th Chaos Communication Congress, Panel ‘Hacking Ideologies, part
2: Open Source, a capitalist movement’, with Dmytri Kleiner, Marcell
Mars, Toni Prug, Tomislav Medak, 23 November, 2007, Berlin. Video:
http://chaosradio.ccc.de/24c3_m4v_2311.html
[3] Respectively:
Welch C., Eternal Network. A Mail Art Anthology, University of Calgary
Press, 1995;
Baroni V., Arte Postale! Guida al network della corrispondenza creativa,
Bertiolo, AA Edizioni, 1997.
Saper C.J., Networked Art. , Minneapolis/London, University of Minnesota
Press, 2001;
[4] ‘Social Media – A Force for Good’, Panel Discussion with Stephen
Fry, Biz Stone, Founder and Chief Executive of Twitter; and Reid
Hoffman, Founder and Chief Executive of LinkedIn, 19 November 2009,
http://www.stephenfry.com/2009/11/19/social-media-force-for-good/
[5] http://code.google.com/soc/
[6] As Florian Cramer made me notice, discussing Ubuntu in private
e-mail correspondence.
[7] Pasquinelli M., Animal Spirits. A Bestiary of the Commons,
Amsterdam, Institute of Network Cultures, 2008.
[8] http://www.aaronkoblin.com
[9] Respectively: http://www.bicyclebuiltfortwothousand.com,
http://www.tenthousandcents.com/, http://www.thesheepmarket.com/.
[10] http://www.burningman.com/
[11] Doherty B., This Is Burning Man, New York, Little, Brown and
Company, 2004.
[12] ‘Cacophony Society’, in V. Vale, Pranks 2, San Francisco,
RE/Search, 2006.
[13] Turner F., ‘Burning Man at Google: A Cultural Infrastructure for
New Media Production.’ New Media & Society, Vol.11, No.1-2 (April,
2009), 145-66.
[14] http://bmanearth.burningman.com/
[15] Frank T., The Conquest of Cool. Business Culture, Counterculture,
and the Rise of Hip Consumerism, Chicago University Press, 1997.
[16] Turner F., From Counterculture to Cyberculture. Stewart Brand, the
Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, Chicago
University Press, 2007.
[17] Respectively: http://www.pledgepyramid.org;
http://electroboutique.com; http://gwei.org;
http://www.amazon-noir.com/; http://www.sound-of-ebay.com;
http://www.serpicanaro.com
[18] Benjamin W., Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen
Reproduzierbarkeit, in: Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung, 1936.
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